Class structure
In the XIV–XV centuries. In France, the consolidation of the estates was completed.
First Estate in France the clergy was considered. By the 14th century it was recognized that the French clergy must live according to the laws of the kingdom and are an integral part of the French nation. The clergy retained the right to receive tithes, various donations, tax and judicial immunity, and were exempt from any government services and duties. Individual representatives of the clergy could be involved by the king in resolving important political issues, acted as his closest advisers, and held high positions in the state administration.
The second estate in the state was the nobility, although, in fact, it was they who played the leading role in the political life of France. The nobility was a closed and hereditary class. Initially, access to the class of nobles was open to the elite of townspeople and wealthy peasants, who, by purchasing land from bankrupt nobles, acquired noble status. However, this rule was later canceled. The purchase of estates by persons of ignoble origin ceased to give them the title of nobility.
The most important privilege of the nobility remained its exclusive right of ownership of land with the transfer of real estate and rental rights by inheritance. Nobles had the right to titles, coats of arms and other signs of noble dignity, and to special judicial privileges. They were exempt from paying state taxes. Essentially, the only duty of the nobility was to perform military service for the king.
Titled nobility (dukes, counts, barons) occupied the highest positions in the army and in the state apparatus. The bulk of the nobility, especially the lower ones, were forced to be content with a much more modest position. The well-being of the small and middle nobility was directly linked to the increased exploitation of the peasants, so they energetically supported royal power, seeing in it the main force capable of keeping the peasant masses in check.
The third estate was finally formed in the 14th–15th centuries. It was very diverse in its composition and united the free working population of the city and countryside, as well as the emerging bourgeoisie. Members of this class were considered “ignoble” and did not have any special personal or property rights. The Third Estate was the only tax-paying estate in France, bearing the entire burden of paying government taxes.
Estates General
The estate-representative monarchy in France was established when the separatism of the local nobility, the autonomous rights of the Catholic Church, etc. were not completely overcome. Solving important national problems and taking on a number of new state functions, the royal power, in implementing its policies, faced powerful opposition from the feudal oligarchy, the resistance of which it could not overcome only by its own means. In this regard, the king's political power largely depended on the support he received from the feudal classes.
It was at the beginning of the 14th century. The union of the king and representatives of the estates was finally formed. The political expression of this union, in which each party had its own specific interests, became special estate-representative institutions - the Estates General and the Provincial States.
The first all-French meeting of estates, called the Estates General, was convened in 1302.
The Estates General consisted of three chambers. The first chamber included representatives of the first estate - the highest clergy. In the second chamber, elected representatives from the second estate - the nobility - sat. The third estate, which sat in the third palta, as a rule, consisted of representatives of city councils (eshvens). The estates met and discussed issues separately. Only in 1468 and 1484. all three classes held their meetings together. Voting was usually organized by balyages and seneschalties, where deputies were elected. If differences were found in the positions of the estates, voting was carried out by estate. In this case, each chamber had one vote, and since decisions were made by a majority vote, the privileged classes had an advantage.
The frequency of convening the Estates General was not established. The Estates General were convened at the initiative of the king, depending on circumstances and political considerations. The highest clergy (archbishops, bishops, abbots), as well as large secular feudal lords, were invited personally. The Estates General of the first convocations did not have elected representatives from the nobility. Later, the practice was established according to which the middle and minor nobility elected their own deputies. Elections were also held from churches, conventions of monasteries and cities (two or three deputies each). However, townspeople, and especially legists, were sometimes elected from the clergy and nobility. Deputies elected to the Estates General were given an imperative mandate. Their position on issues put up for discussion, including voting, was bound by the instructions of the voters. After returning from the meeting, the deputy had to report to voters.
The issues submitted for consideration by the Estates General and the duration of their meetings were also determined by the king, who resorted to convening the Estates General in order to obtain the support of the estates in the fight against the Knights Templar in 1308, when concluding a treaty with England in 1359, during the religious wars in 1560, 1576, 1588 etc. Although the consent of the Estates General was not formally required for the adoption of royal laws, the king sought their opinion on certain bills. Most often, the reason for convening the Estates General was a request for financial assistance or permission for another tax, which could only be collected within one year. It was not until 1439 that Charles VII received consent to levy a permanent royal tax. However, if it was a question of establishing any additional taxes, then, as before, the consent of the Estates General was required.
The Estates General had the right to appeal to the king with complaints and protests, make proposals, and criticize the activities of the royal administration. Since there was a certain connection between the requests of the estates and their vote, the king in a number of cases yielded to the Estates General and issued an appropriate ordinance at their request. When the classes showed intransigence, the kings did not gather them for a long time. The Estates General sometimes opposed the king, avoiding making decisions that pleased him.
The most acute conflict between the Estates General and royal power occurred in 1357, during a period of deep political crisis (the uprising of the townspeople in Paris and the capture of the French King John by the British). The royal government was forced to issue a decree called the Great March Ordinance. According to this act, the Estates General met three times a year without the prior sanction of the king, had the exclusive right to introduce new taxes, controlled government spending, gave consent to declare war or make peace, and appointed advisers to the king. “General reformers” were elected who had the power to control the activities of the royal administration, dismiss and punish officials, even applying the death penalty. However, the States General failed to consolidate these powers. After the suppression of the Parisian uprising and the uprising of the peasants - the Jacquerie - in 1358, the king rejected the demands of the Great March Ordinance.
At the end of the Hundred Years' War, the importance of the Estates General decreased; after 1484 they practically stopped meeting altogether (until 1560), and from the 15th century. were not convened until the 18th century.
In certain regions of France from the end of the 13th century. Local class-representative institutions began to emerge. By the end of the 14th century. there were 20 local states in the 15th century. they were present in almost every province. At first, these institutions were called “consilium”, “parliament” or simply “people of the three classes”. By the middle of the 15th century. began to use the terms “states of Burgundy”, “states of Dauphine”, etc. The name "provincial states" was established only in the 16th century. Peasants were not allowed into the provincial states, as well as into the Estates General. Kings often opposed individual provincial states, since the latter were strongly influenced by local feudal lords (in Normandy, Languedoc) and pursued a policy of separatism.
XXXIV. The first months of the revolution
(continuation)
Opening of the States General. – Verification of credentials. – Proclamation of the National Assembly. - Royal meeting.
(addition)
if you need BRIEF For information on this topic, read the chapters “States General and the National Assembly” from the Educational Book of New History by N. I. Kareev. Before starting to get acquainted with this lecture by Kareev, it is recommended to read the addition to it -
The Estates General met in Versailles at the beginning of May 1789. On the 4th there was a church service, and on the 5th the inauguration of the meetings took place. If the government did not have a definite program of action, then the masters of ceremonies, on the contrary, thought through everything related to the external side of the meeting, and at court it was decided that the states of 1789 would adhere to the forms of the states of 1614. Deputies of the privileged classes were to be present at both ceremonies in magnificent suits, the deputies of the third estate - in simple black cloaks, and when the keeper of the seal Barentin was asked whether the deputies of the third estate should speak on their knees, he answered: “yes, if it pleases the king.” The Bishop of Nancy, in a church speech, asked Louis XVI to accept assurances of devotion (les hommages) from the clergy and respect (les respects) from the nobility, and from the third estate - the most humble requests (les humbles supplications). When at the solemn meeting on May 5, the king, having taken the throne, put on his hat, the clergy and nobles also put on their hats, the members of the third estate did the same, but the privileged loudly expressed their displeasure, and Louis XVI immediately took off his hat in order to force everyone bare their heads.
Universal or estate voting?
The Estates General declare themselves a national assembly
When (June 15) the verification of credentials was completed, Sieyès pointed out that in the assembly there were representatives of at least 96% of the nation, who could act without deputies who had not appeared from some balyages or categories of citizens, and invited the deputies to declare themselves "an assembly of well-known and certified representatives of the French nation." Mirabeau also joined this, but found it best to call himself “representatives of the French people.” Three days of debate took place over these proposals, until the name was adopted - “national assembly” (assemblée nationale), which was not entirely new, since we find it already in the orders of 1789; This time it was suggested to the representatives of the third estate and the deputies of the upper estates who joined them - one completely unknown deputy.
The solemn proclamation of the national assembly took place on June 17; on this day the old class division of French subjects into three ranks (ordres) disappeared, and all the French formed a politically homogeneous nation. This decision was made with delight by the Parisian population and had an effect on the majority of the clergy deputies who decided to join the third estate; the courtyard, on the contrary, was terribly annoyed. Louis XVI hesitated for some time between the advice of, on the one hand, Necker, on the other, his wife, younger brother, princes of the blood and generally privileged ones, but in the end he decided to hold a solemn meeting in order to cancel with his own power what had happened. Meanwhile, the national assembly decreed: 1) the cessation of tax collection if the assembly was dissolved, 2) the acceptance of the public debt under the guarantee of the nation, and 3) the formation of a special food committee.
Oath in the ballroom
On June 20, the President of the National Assembly, Bailly, received notice from Barentin that the meetings were adjourned; The deputies and the large public, who had gathered to see how most of the clergy would go to the hall of the national assembly, found this hall locked and guarded by sentries, and learned that preparations were being made in the hall for the royal meeting. The deputies then went to the Jeu de paume [Ball Hall], where the famous oath of the members of the National Assembly took place in the presence of a large public - not to disperse and to gather wherever possible until France received a lasting constitution. The next day was Sunday. When on Monday (June 22) representatives of the people wanted to meet again in the Jeu de paume, they were no longer given this room, since gr. d'Artois was supposed to play ball there. At this time, a significant part of the lower clergy already joined the national assembly, which was invited to sit in the church of St. Louis, “the temple of religion, which became the temple of the fatherland,” in the words of one speaker who spoke there. About 150 people from the lower clergy here solemnly joined the national assembly.
Royal meeting 23 June 1789
The announced royal meeting took place on June 23. From the court and the privileged it was supposed to be the beginning of a reaction against everything that had happened in the name of the new idea of the nation, and for this purpose the form of the former parliamentary lits de justice was applied to the assembly of representatives of the people. An imperative speech was composed for Louis XVI, which he delivered at a ceremonial meeting, in the presence of all the deputies, but he spoke in the uncertain voice of a man who did not act on his own initiative. The decisions of the third estate, as contrary to the laws and state structure, were declared destroyed; it was ordered to maintain the old division into classes completely intact, it was forbidden to affect any rights belonging to the privileged and royal power; some minor reforms were announced and it was added that if the states general did not support the good intentions of the authorities, then the king alone would work for the good of his subjects and would consider himself their only representative. “I order you, gentlemen,” said Louis XVI in conclusion, to disperse immediately, and tomorrow morning to gather each class in the chamber reserved for it.
The clergy and nobles obeyed and left after the monarch, but the third estate remained in their places. Then the chief master of ceremonies, Dreux-Breze, returned to the hall and said to the president: “Gentlemen! “You heard the king’s order” - to which he received the following answer from Bailly: “It seems to me that orders cannot be given to the assembled nation.” Mirabeau, who, earlier than the arrival of Dreux-Breze, had made a speech against the insulting dictatorship of the king, who is only a mandataire of the nation, and recalled the oath not to disperse until France had been given a constitution, now rose from his seat and uttered the famous words: “Yes, we have heard the intentions inspired by the king, and you, who cannot be his organ before the states general, having here neither a place, nor a voice, nor the right to speak, you are not created to remind us of his speech. However, in order to avoid any misunderstanding and any delay, I declare to you (the legend has reduced everything previous to one phrase: “go tell your master”) that if you have been authorized to force us to leave here, you must demand orders to use force, for we Let’s leave our places only under the pressure of bayonets.”
Dreux-Breze left the hall, backing away, as if he were in the presence of the king, and one Breton deputy exclaimed: “What is this? the king speaks to us like a master, when he should be asking us for advice.” “Gentlemen! - Sieyès addressed the meeting: “You remain today the same as you were yesterday: let’s begin the debate.” And the National Assembly announced that the decisions it had made retained all their force, and decreed the inviolability of the personality of the deputy under the threat of accusing anyone who would infringe on this inviolability with a state crime.
The court did not expect such an outcome of the royal meeting. Marie Antoinette was at first happy that everything turned out well, and introducing the Dauphin to the deputies of the nobility, she said that she entrusted him to their protection, but news came about the resistance of the third estate, and the mood changed. The coup d'etat planned by the court against the completed revolution had to be recognized as a failure, and the confused Louis XVI declared that if they (i.e., the deputies of the third estate) do not want to disperse, then let them remain.” They thought about dismissing Necker, but now the king begged him not to leave his post, and the popularity of this minister, whose absence at the royal meeting was noticed by everyone, increased greatly after that. The next day, the majority of the clergy appeared in the hall of the National Assembly, and then soon this example was followed by a small minority of the nobility, led by the Duke of Orleans. Finally, on the advice of Necker, the king himself ordered other representatives of the privileged to come to the meeting in the common room. On June 27, the final merger of the deputies of the clergy and nobility with the third estate took place.
Attempts to react
The court party led by Marie Antoinette did not want to come to terms with the victory of the third estate. The first attempt at counter-revolution, made on June 23, was to be followed by another - this time with the help of the very bayonets that Mirabeau pointed out. That conservative opposition, which had previously prevented the necessary reforms, was now most decisively preparing a new reaction, but if previously this opposition was given strength to a certain extent by the support of the people who had ceased to trust the authorities, then under the new circumstances that arose after June 17, in no way there could not be the slightest solidarity between the privileged and the masses. Now, on the contrary, reactionary attempts directed against the national assembly were only supposed to inflame popular passions, direct them to the defense of the national assembly itself. If on June 23 the deputies of the third estate, recognizing themselves as representatives of a sovereign nation, disobeyed the royal will, which was not supported by physical force, then in mid-July an attempt to carry out a violent restoration of the old political system with the help of the army caused a violent rebuff from the Parisian people. This rebuff saved the national assembly, but at the same time brought to the political stage the population of the capital, who were later destined to play such a prominent role in the events of the revolution. This is the meaning of the July events, which were followed by the October events, which, as we will see, were already less favorable not only for royal power, but also for the national assembly itself.
In the history of the summer and autumn months of 1789, the reactionary attempts of the court and the revolutionary movement among the people go hand in hand. Some historians are inclined to explain the popular uprisings of that time solely by the sense of self-preservation of the popular masses in the face of the threatening position of the court and are therefore ready to blame one court for the anarchy that began in France, while others, on the contrary, sometimes try to explain the repressive measures solely by this anarchy. which the court party considered necessary to resort to. Neither one nor the other can be considered true in itself: both are true together, but again with a reservation, since both the popular riots and the court reaction had a deeper origin. Of course, the reaction greatly added fuel to the fire, and it caused the grandiose July and October uprisings, and these events, in turn, forced the reactionary party to think about more energetic repression, but popular unrest long preceded the revolution, having its reasons in the then state of France , in the poor economic situation of the masses, in the general social disorganization, in the anxious and excited mood of minds, and on the other hand, the court opposition against all innovations of a political and social nature was not a new phenomenon, since it was again rooted in the general condition of France , in the importance that the court received in the life of the country, in its alliance with the conservative elements of society, in its influence on royal power. Both forces now entered into an open struggle: the suspicious behavior of the court caused popular uprisings, and popular uprisings served as a reason for the court to think about repression. In this struggle between the court and the people, which intensified mainly due to the reactionary direction of the court party, the position of the national assembly was, as we shall see, very difficult, and the court party, which did not want to recognize the events that had taken place, by its behavior itself was preparing a new coup, which was even more formidable for it and at the same time turned out to be unfavorable for the national assembly. If on June 23 power passed from the hands of the king into the hands of representatives of the nation, then the seizure of power directly by the Parisian population was still ahead, who thought that by this they were saving freedom from the machinations of the court party.
After the failure of the royal meeting on June 23, at the beginning of the next month, troops began to converge on Paris and Versailles, consisting mainly of foreign mercenaries of various nationalities; They were led by Breteuil and Marshal Broglie, who decided to take the most extreme measures against the national assembly and the Parisian population. On July 9, the national assembly, which on that day adopted the name of the constituent assembly or constituents (constituante), asked the king to remove the troops - and in this matter, Mirabeau again had to play one of the very first roles - but the king replied that the troops were necessary to protect himself. of the National Assembly and that if it was alarmed, it could be transferred to Noyon or Soissons. Meanwhile, the court decided to act again. On July 11, it became known that Necker had received his resignation and with it the order to immediately and quietly leave France, and that a new ministry had been formed from Broglie, Breteuil, the cleric Voguyon and Foulon, to whom rumor [falsely] attributed the following words regarding the famine: “ if the people want to eat, let them eat hay.” The National Assembly sent a deputation to the king with a request to return Necker and send the troops to their former camp sites, but this deputation was not accepted. The assembly then decreed that the nation would admonish Necker and his comrades with expressions of confidence and regret, that the new ministers and advisers of the king, whatever their rank and position, would be responsible for their actions, and that eternal shame would cover the one who proposed state bankruptcy.
The Estates General in France is the highest class representative institution in the years 1302–1789.
The emergence of the Estates General was associated with the growth of cities, the aggravation of social contradictions and class struggle, which necessitated the strengthening of the feudal state. The estate-representative monarchy was established at a certain stage of centralization of the country, when the autonomous rights of feudal lords, the Catholic Church, and city corporations were not completely overcome. Solving important national problems and taking on a number of new state functions, the royal power gradually broke the political structure characteristic of the seigneurial monarchy. But in implementing her policy, she faced powerful opposition from the feudal oligarchy, whose resistance she could not overcome only by her own means. Therefore, the king's political power largely stemmed from the support he received from the feudal classes.
Since the emergence of the Estates General took place during the period of the struggle of royal power to centralize the state and overcome the resistance of the federal nobility, it was by the beginning of the 14th century that the alliance built on a political compromise, and therefore not always strong, of the king and representatives of different classes, including the third estate, was finally formed. The political expression of this union, in which each party had its own specific interests, became special estate-representative institutions - the Estates General and the Provincial States.
The creation of the Estates General in France marked the beginning of a change in the form of the state in France - its transformation into an estate-representative monarchy.
The reasons for the convening of the Estates General by King Philip IV the Fair in 1302 were the unsuccessful war in Flanders; serious economic difficulties, as well as a dispute between the king and the Pope. However, these events were the occasion, another reason was the creation of a national estate-representative institution and the manifestation of an objective pattern in the development of the monarchical state in France.
The Estates General was an advisory body convened at the initiative of the royal power at critical moments to assist the government. Their main function was tax quotas.
The Estates General has always been a body representing the propertied strata of French society. The class composition of the Estates General included the clergy (highest - archbishops, bishops, abbots); nobility (large feudal lords; middle and small nobility - except for the first convocations); urban population (deputies from churches, conventions of monasteries and cities - 2-3 deputies each; lawyers - approximately 1/7 of the Estates General). Each estate - the clergy, the nobility, the third estate - sat in the Estates General separately from the others and had one vote (regardless of the number of representatives). The third estate was represented by the elite of the townspeople. The frequency of convening the Estates General was not established; this issue was decided by the king depending on circumstances and political considerations.
In the Estates General, each estate met and discussed issues separately. Only in 1468 and 1484 did all three classes hold their meetings together. Voting was usually organized by balyages and seneschalties, where deputies were elected. If differences were found in the positions of the estates, voting was carried out by estate. In this case, each estate had one vote and, in general, the feudal lords always had an advantage over the third estate.
The issues submitted for consideration by the Estates General and the duration of their meetings were also determined by the king. The king resorted to convening the Estates General in order to gain the support of the estates on various occasions: the fight against the Knights Templar (1308), the conclusion of a treaty with England (1359), religious wars (1560, 1576, 1588). But most often the reason for convening the Estates General was the king’s need for money, and he turned to the estates with a request for financial assistance or permission for the next tax, which could only be collected within one year.
The importance of the Estates General increased during the Hundred Years' War of 1337–1453, when the royal power was especially in need of money. During the period of popular uprisings of the 14th century (the Parisian uprising of 1357–1358, the Jacquerie of 1358), the Estates General claimed an active participation in governing the country. However, the lack of unity between the cities and their irreconcilable enmity with the nobility made the attempts of the French Estates General fruitless to achieve the rights that the English parliament managed to win.
The most acute conflict between the Estates General and royal power occurred in 1357 at the time of the uprising of the townspeople in Paris and the capture of the French King John by the British. The Estates General, in which mainly representatives of the third estate took part, put forward a reform program called the Great March Ordinance. In return for granting royal subsidies, they demanded that the collection and expenditure of funds be carried out by the Estates General themselves, which were to meet three times a year and without being convened by the king. “General reformers” were elected, who were given the power to control the activities of the royal administration, dismiss individual officials and punish them, even applying the death penalty. However, the attempt of the Estates General to secure permanent financial, supervisory and even legislative powers was unsuccessful. After the suppression of the Parisian uprising and the Jacquerie in 1358, the royal authorities rejected the demands contained in the Great March Ordinance.
From 1614 to 1789, the Estates General never met again. Only on May 5, 1789, in conditions of an acute political crisis on the eve of the Great French Revolution, the king convened the Estates General. On June 17, 1789, deputies of the Third Estate declared themselves the National Assembly, and on July 9, the National Assembly proclaimed itself the Constituent Assembly, which became the highest representative and legislative body of revolutionary France.
In the 20th century, the name Estates General was adopted by some representative assemblies that considered current political issues and expressed broad public opinion (for example, the Assembly of the Estates General for Disarmament, May 1963).
STATES GENERAL in France STATES GENERAL in France
GENERAL STATES (French: Etats Generaux) in France, the highest estate-representative institution in 1302-1789, which had the character of an advisory body. The Estates General were convened by the king at critical moments in French history and were supposed to provide public support for the royal will. In its classical form, the French Estates General consisted of three chambers: representatives of the nobility, the clergy and the third, tax-paying estate. Each estate sat separately in the Estates General and issued a separate opinion on the issue under discussion. Most often, the Estates General approved decisions on the collection of taxes.
Hundred Years' War period
The predecessors of the French Estates General were extended meetings of the royal council with the involvement of city leaders, as well as assemblies of representatives from various classes in the provinces, which laid the foundation for the provincial states. The emergence of the institution of the Estates General was due to the situation that arose after the creation of the French centralized state. In addition to the royal domain, the state included vast lands of secular and spiritual feudal lords, as well as cities that had numerous and traditional liberties and rights. For all his power, the king did not yet have enough rights and authority to make decisions alone affecting these traditional liberties. In addition, the still fragile royal power on a number of issues, including foreign policy, needed visible support from the entire French society.
The first Estates General of a national scale were convened in April 1302, during the conflict of Philip IV the Fair (cm. PHILIP IV the Handsome) with Pope Boniface VIII (cm. BONIFACE VIII). This assembly rejected the pope's claim to be the supreme arbiter, declaring that the king in secular affairs depended only on God. In 1308, preparing reprisals against the Templars (cm. TEMPLIERS), the king again considered it necessary to rely on the support of the Estates General. On August 1, 1314, Philip IV the Fair convened the Estates General to approve the decision to collect taxes to finance a military campaign in Flanders. Then the nobility attempted to unite with the townspeople to resist the king’s excessive monetary demands.
During the fading years of the Capetian dynasty (cm. CAPETINGS) the importance of the Estates General increases. It was they who decided to remove the daughter of King Louis X from the throne in 1317, and after the death of Charles IV the Fair and the suppression of the Capetian dynasty, they transferred the crown to Philip VI of Valois.
Under the first Valois (cm. VALOIS) and especially during the Hundred Years' War (cm. HUNDRED YEARS WAR) 1337-1453, when the royal power needed emergency financial support and the consolidation of all the forces of France, the Estates General achieved its greatest influence. Using the right to approve taxes, they tried to initiate the adoption of new laws. In 1355, under King John II the Brave (cm. JOHN II THE BRAVE), The Estates General agreed to allocate funds to the king only if a number of conditions were met. In an effort to avoid abuse, the Estates General themselves began to appoint proxies to collect taxes.
After the Battle of Poitiers (cm. BATTLE OF POITIERS)(1356) King John II the Brave was captured by the British. Taking advantage of the situation, the Estates General, led by the Provost (cm. PREVOT (official)) Paris by Etienne Marcel (cm. ETHIENNE MARSEILLE) and the Lansky bishop Robert Lecoq came up with a reform program. They demanded that the Dauphin Charles of Valois (the future Charles V the Wise) take over control of France. (cm. CHARLES V the Wise)), replaced his advisers with representatives from the three estates and did not dare to make independent decisions. These demands were supported by the provincial states. The Estates General expressed their claims to power in the Great March Ordinance of 1357. According to its provisions, only those taxes and fees that were approved by the Estates General were recognized as legal. The Ordinance proclaimed the strictness of the principle of class courts (according to feudal norms, everyone could be convicted only by those equal in status), which narrowed the prerogatives of royal power in the judicial sphere.
The Dauphin Charles was forced to accept the terms of the Great March Ordinance, but immediately began to fight for its abolition. A cunning and resourceful politician, he managed to win over the majority of the nobles and clergy to his side. Already in 1358, the Dauphin announced the abolition of the ordinance, which caused indignation among the Parisian townspeople led by Etienne Marcel (see Parisian uprising of 1357-1358 (cm. PARIS UPRISING 1357-58)). The Parisians were supported by some other cities and detachments of peasants (participants of the Jacquerie (cm. JACQUERIE)). But the new staff of the Estates General, assembled in Compiegne, supported the Dauphin, and the Paris uprising was suppressed.
Having achieved the obedience of the classes, the Dauphin Charles, who became the king of France in 1364, preferred to solve financial problems with meetings of notables (cm. NOTABLES), leaving to the share of the Estates General only the problems of consolidating the forces of France in the fight against the British. His successors followed a similar policy. However, during the period of rivalry between the Bourguignons and the Armagnacs, it was the Estates General that supported Charles VII of Valois (cm. CHARLES VII) in strengthening royal power. In the 1420s and 1430s they again played an active political role. Of particular importance were the states of 1439, meeting in Orleans. They forbade the lords to have their own army, recognizing such a right only for the king; established a tax tag (cm. TALIA) for the maintenance of the king's standing army.
At the same time, the enmity of the townspeople with the nobles, the disunity of the cities did not allow the States General to achieve the expansion of their rights, like the English Parliament. Moreover, by the mid-15th century, most of French society agreed that the king had the right to introduce new taxes and fees without asking the permission of the Estates General. The widespread introduction of the tag (a permanent direct tax) provided the treasury with a solid source of income and relieved kings of the need to coordinate financial policies with representatives of the estates. Charles VII did not fail to take advantage of this. Having established himself on the throne, from 1439 until the very end of his reign in 1461, he never assembled the Estates General.
During the Huguenot Wars
Having lost the right to vote taxes, the Estates General lose real political significance and enter a time of decline. During his reign, King Louis XI of Valois (cm. LOUIS XI) assembled the Estates General only once in 1467, and then only to receive formal authority to make any decisions for the benefit of France without convening the Estates General. In 1484, the states were convened due to the minority of King Charles VIII of Valois. They are interesting because for the first time, not only the urban, but also the rural tax-paying population was represented among the deputies of the third estate. These Estates General made a number of decisions about the control of royal power, but all of them remained well-intentioned. Subsequently, Charles VIII never convened the Estates General until the end of his reign.
From the end of the 15th century, the system of absolute monarchy finally took shape in France. (cm. ABSOLUTISM), and the very thought of limiting the prerogatives of royal power becomes blasphemous. Accordingly, the institution of the Estates General fell into complete decline. Louis XII Valois (cm. LOUIS XII Valois) collected them only once in 1506, Francis I of Valois (cm. FRANCIS I Valois)- never at all, Henry II of Valois (cm. HENRY II Valois)- also once in 1548, and then he appointed many deputies of his own free will.
The importance of the Estates General increases again during the Huguenot Wars (cm. HUGUENOT WARS). And the weakened royal power, and both hostile religious camps, and the estates themselves were interested in using the authority of the states in their own interests. But the split in the country was so deep that it did not allow the assembly of deputies whose decisions would be legitimate for the warring parties. However, Chancellor L'Hopital in 1560 assembled the Estates General in Orleans. The following year they continued their work in Pontoise, but without deputies from the clergy, who sat separately in Poissy at the religious dispute between Catholics and Huguenots. As a result of the work of the deputies, the “Orleans Ordinance” was developed, based on which L'Hopital tried to begin reforms in France. In general, the deputies spoke in favor of turning the Estates General into a permanent body of state power supervising the activities of the king.
It is not surprising that the royal power avoided convening new states. But, nevertheless, in 1576 King Henry III of Valois (cm. HENRY III Valois) was forced to reassemble the Estates General in Blois. Most deputies supported the Catholic League formed in May 1574 (cm. CATHOLIC LEAGUE in France), which sought to limit royal power. In the legislative sphere, the Estates General demanded that the laws of the kingdom be placed above the decrees of the king; the decrees of the Estates General could only be repealed by the Estates General themselves, and if the law received the unanimous support of all classes, then it came into force without royal approval. Deputies also demanded participation in the appointment of ministers. Representatives of the third estate demanded the restoration of traditional municipal rights and liberties, constrained by the royal administration over the previous decades. With the Ordinance of Blois, Henry III expressed solidarity with the demands of the Estates General, but this step had no real significance due to the general chaos in France during the Huguenot Wars.
In 1588, the Catholic League regained strength and achieved the convening of new Estates General in Blois. And this time the majority of the deputies belonged to the Catholic camp. Under the slogans of limiting royal power and recognizing the supreme sovereignty of the Estates General, they sought to take power from Henry III and transfer it to the Catholic leader Henry Guise (cm. GIZY). This rivalry ended with the tragic deaths of both Henrys, and the former leader of the Huguenot camp, Henry IV Bourbon, became king. (cm. HENRY IV Bourbon). In 1593 in Paris, opponents of the new king convened the Estates General, but its deputies did not represent the political forces of all of France and were unable to prevent Henry IV from taking all power into his own hands.
The reign of absolutism
The rise to power of Henry IV was largely the result of a compromise between the warring sectors of French society. Having taken an openly pro-Catholic position during the Huguenot Wars, the Estates General found themselves out of work in the new political situation. Henry IV ruled as an absolute monarch. Only at the beginning of his reign did he convene a meeting of notables, whose deputies he appointed himself. The notables approved taxes for three years in advance and later asked the king to rule independently.
During the minority of King Louis XIII of Bourbon, in 1614, the penultimate Estates General in the history of France took place. They revealed serious contradictions between the interests of the third estate and the upper classes. Representatives of the clergy and nobility insisted on exemption from taxes, the provision of new and consolidation of old privileges, that is, they defended not national, but narrow-class interests. They refused to see the deputies of the third estate as equal partners, treating them as servants. The humiliated position of the third estate was also supported by the court. If the nobles and clergy could sit in hats in the presence of the king, then representatives of the third estate were obliged to kneel before the monarch and with their heads uncovered. The complaints of the third estate about the severity of taxes and legal insecurity did not find understanding. As a result, the states did not make a single significant decision. The only thing the estates could agree on was the wish for the king to assemble the Estates General once every ten years. At the beginning of 1615 the states were dissolved.
In 1617 and 1626, meetings of notables were convened, and subsequently, until the Great French Revolution, the state managed without a national representative institution. Nevertheless, representative institutions continued to operate locally - provincial states and parliaments, although not in all provinces. And the very idea of the Estates General was not forgotten and was revived during the deep crisis of royal power at the end of the 18th century.
Only an acute political crisis forced King Louis XVI of Bourbon to convene new Estates General. They began their work on May 5, 1789. And already on June 17, deputies of the third estate declared themselves the National Assembly, responsible for the formation of legislative power in the country. At the request of King Louis XVI of Bourbon, deputies from the nobility and clergy also joined the National Assembly. On July 9, 1789, the National Assembly proclaimed itself the Constituent Assembly with the aim of developing new legislative foundations for the French state. The events of the first stage of the Great French Revolution are closely related to the activities of the Estates General of 1789.
In the subsequent history of France, the name of the Estates General was adopted by some representative assemblies that considered current problems and expressed broad public opinion (for example, the Assembly of the Estates General for general disarmament in May 1963).
encyclopedic Dictionary. 2009 .
- Wikipedia - (States General or Estates General), usually a meeting of representatives of the three estates of the kingdom: clergy, nobles and commoners (third estate representatives of the city, corporations). They were convened by the sovereign for political consultations. G.sh.... ... The World History
Legal dictionary
1) in France, the highest class representative institution in 1302–1789, consisting of deputies of the clergy, nobility and the 3rd estate. They were convened by kings mainly to obtain their consent to collect taxes. Deputies of the 3rd estate... ... Big Encyclopedic Dictionary
1) in France, the highest class representative institution in 1302-1789, consisting of deputies of the clergy, nobility and the third estate. They were convened by kings mainly to obtain their consent to collect taxes. Deputies of the third... ... Historical Dictionary
STATES GENERAL- 1) in France, the highest class representative institution in 1302-1789, consisting of deputies of the clergy, nobility and the third estate. They were convened by kings mainly to obtain their consent to collect taxes. Deputies of the third... ... Legal encyclopedia
The French state experienced a long period of virtual independence of large feudal lords. This seriously weakened the king and made him dependent on the aristocracy. The gradual concentration of royal power coincided with the growth of the urban population and the development of crafts.
Where and when did the States General appear in France?
The Estates General in France served as a representative of the people. Three main classes took part in them. These were nobles, townspeople.
The convening of the first States General was due to the weakness of royal power. The king needed the support of the wider population. He needed to rely on the entire French people.
The first Estates General was convened by the king in 1302 in Paris. This was a time of intense struggle between the king and Pope Boniface. To remain in power and strengthen his position, support was important for the king and the Estates General became a tool for him to achieve his goals.
Features of the Estates General
This form of popular representation lasted until the French Revolution in 1789. The last time the states were convened was immediately before the overthrow of the royal power.
To better understand the work and importance of the states, their features should be pointed out:
- It was an advisory body. The states did not make their own decisions. They only developed draft decisions and presented them to the king. And he was already deciding what to do;
- During the most difficult times of French statehood, the Estates General tried to expand their powers. This happened during the Hundred Years' War with England and during the period of popular uprisings, when the very existence of royal power in France was in question;
- The emergence of states is associated with the growth of cities. The urban population was free, had property and was quite active. Therefore, it was necessary to take into account the interests of the growing layer of townspeople;
- All three classes admitted to participate in the states sat separately. Each decision of one estate was counted as one vote. At the same time, the votes of all classes were equal.
